In a decisive bid to reclaim power in opposition-ruled Jharkhand during the upcoming Assembly elections on November 13 and 20, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has pivoted sharply to engage the crucial tribal electorate. The party’s 74-page manifesto, or Sankalp Patra, unveiled by Union Home Minister Amit Shah in Ranchi, is a calculated effort to court this vital constituency. With tribals constituting 28 percent of Jharkhand’s population and occupying 28 of the 81 assembly seats, their electoral significance is undeniable.
Shah announced on Sunday that while the BJP plans to implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) if it secures power, tribals will be explicitly excluded from its provisions, “Our government will introduce the UCC in Jharkhand, but we will exempt tribals from its provisions. Hemant Soren and the JMM government are spreading misinformation, claiming that the UCC will affect tribal rights, culture, and relevant legislation. This is entirely unfounded,” Shah stated in Ranchi, reassuring that protections for tribal rights will remain intact.
The importance of the tribal factor in Jharkhand politics is stark: of the seven chief ministers since the state’s formation 24 vears ago, all but the BJIF’s Raghubar Das have been tribal leaders. The BIJP’s urgency to secure Jharkhand stems from multiple factors. The outcome will likely influence the next year’s Bihar assembly clections, and the party’s control over neighboring tribal-dominated states like Odisha and Chhattisgarh adds further strategic weight to this electoral contest.
The BJP’s previous misstep—appointing Raghubar Das, a non-tribal, as chief minister in 2014—proved costly. The party’s performance plummeted from winning 11 tribal reserved seats out of 37 in 2014 to just two out of 25 in 2019. Its fortunes hit rock bottom during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, where it failed to secure a single ST reserved seat, down from three out of five in 2019. Learning from these setbacks, the BJP has launched a multi-faceted strategy to regain tribal trust.
The elevation of tribal leaders as chief ministers in Odisha and Chhattisgarh and the historic appointment of Droupadi Murmu as India’s first tribal President in 2022 signal a significant course correction. The promise to reclaim land from illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and the commitment to consider implementing the Sarna religious code—a critical demand passed by the state assembly last year—demonstrate the BJP’s alignment with tribal interests.
The Sarna code is particularly significant as it addresses tribal fears of being classified as Hindus in the upcoming census, given their nature-worship traditions. The manifesto also emphasizes establishing a Displacement Commission for individuals affected by industrial and mining projects, reinforcing the BJP’s tribal-centric approach. To undermine incumbent Chief Minister Hemant Soren, despite his tribal credentials, the BJP is spotlighting allegations of corruption and controversial decisions.
The party’s narrative around illegal Bangladeshi immigrants serves a dual purpose: consolidating Hindu votes while framing Soren’s government as compromising tribal interests in “mati, beti, and roti” (land, daughter, and food) for Muslim vote bank politics. Shah’s pointed reference to demographic shifts in the Santhal Pargana region illustrates this strategy.
The manifesto’s release sets the stage for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming rallies in Chaibasa and Garhwa. As polling dates draw near, expect an escalation in the BJP’s campaign rhetoric, with Modi likely to amplify these themes while promising transformative development for Jharkhand’s tribal communities. In the coming days, it will become clear whether the BJP’s recalibrated outreach to tribal voters, combined with its anti-incumbency narrative against Soren, will succeed in winning over the crucial tribal vote bank that holds the key to its victory in Jharkhand.
